Yang di-Pertuan Agong ke-15

Sultan Kelantan Sultan Muhammad V dilantik sebagai Yang di-Pertuan Agong ke-15 menggantikan Tuanku Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah mulai 13 Disember 2016 untuk tempoh 5 tahun, dalam satu pengumuman selepas Mesyuarat Majlis Raja-Raja Khas ke-243 di Istana Negara, hari ini.

Sementara itu, Sultan Perak Sultan Nazrin Shah dipilih sebagai Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong mulai 13 Disember 2016 bagi tempoh 5 tahun.

Tengku Muhammad Faris Petra, 47, putera sulung Sultan Ismail Petra sebelum ini dilantik sebagai timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong pada 2011.

Perkhidmatan Tuanku Abdul Halim sebagai Yang di-Pertuan Agong yang berkuat kuasa bermula 13 Disember 2011 lalu akan berakhir pada 12 Disember ini.

Mesyuarat yang berlangsung selama sejam itu dipengerusikan Raja Perlis Tuanku Syed Sirajuddin Putra Jamalullail bagi memilih Yang di-Pertuan Agong ke-15 dan Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Selain Raja Perlis, mesyuarat itu turut dihadiri Yang Dipertuan Besar Negeri Sembilan Tuanku Muhriz Ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir, Sultan Terengganu Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin, Sultan Pahang Sultan Ahmad Shah, Sultan Selangor Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah dan Sultan Johor Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar.

Sultan Muhammad V mempunyai 3 adinda iaitu Tengku Mahkota Kelantan Tengku Muhammad Faiz Petra, 37, Tengku Muhammad Fakhry Petra, 33, dan Tengku Amalin Aishah Putri, 27.

Baginda menggunakan gelaran Sultan Muhammad V selepas dimasyhurkan sebagai Sultan Kelantan ke-29 pada 13 September 2010.

Sultan Muhammad V yang diputerakan pada 6 Oktober 1969, mendapat pendidikan awal di Sekolah Sultan Ismail I sebelum melanjutkan pelajarannya ke sekolah antarabangsa Alice Smith di Kuala Lumpur.

Baginda kemudian ke Oakham School Rutland, England sehingga 1989 sebelum melanjutkan pengajian dalam bidang kajian diplomatik di St. Cross College, Oxford serta di Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies sehingga 1991.

Sultan Muhammad V ialah Canselor Universiti Malaysia Kelantan (UMK) dan gemar membaca, serta meminati sukan lasak seperti ekspedisi kenderaan pacuan empat roda dan kejohanan kuda lasak.

Baginda juga meminati sukan memanah, boling serta memelihara haiwan kesayangan seperti kuda, kucing, ayam dan burung.

Baginda juga Komander 506 Askar Wataniah berpangkat Brigadier Jeneral (Kehormat) dan turut melibatkan diri dalam pelbagai pertubuhan kebajikan dan sukan selain aktif berperanan dalam organisasi berkaitan dengan keselamatan dan ketenteraan.

Pemilihan Sultan Perak Nazrin Shah, 60, sebagai timbalan agong pula amat bertepatan dengan latar belakang pendidikan yang hebat.

Memperoleh Ijazah Sarjana Muda dalam bidang Falsafah, Politik dan Ekonomi dari Universiti Oxford, ijazah sarjana dalam bidang Pentadbiran Awam dari Kennedy School, Harvad dan iIjazah doktor falsafah (PhD) dari Universiti Harvard.

Baginda sebagai diangkat sebagai Raja Muda Perak pada 15 April 1984 bertempat di Istana Iskandariah, Bukit Chandan dan ditabalkan sebagai Sultan Perak ke-35 bagi menggantikan ayahandanya pada 6 Mei 2015.

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Okay to question Agong's speech, says expert

Constitutional expert Abdul Aziz Bari said there is nothing wrong in Malaysians criticising the Yang di-Pertuan Agong's speech and to question the election results as both actions are their rights guaranteed by the federal constitution.

"We must always remember that in this country, it is the constitution that reigns supreme and everybody, including the Agong, is subject to it.

"No one, and this includes the Agong, has the power to deny the rights guaranteed under the country's laws and constitution.

"These include the right to question the election results, so long as this is done in accordance with the constitution," he told Malaysiakini .

Abdul Aziz ( left ) was responding to Urban Well-being, Housing and Local Government Minister Abdul Rahman Dahlan's statement yesterday slamming PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim for suggesting that the federal government had used the Agong's speech to get the people to accept last month's general election results.

While conceding that the government indeed had a hand in preparing the Agong's speech, Rahman said the Agong could still change its content if he disagreed with it.

He used the relationship between himself as a minister and his press secretary who prepares his speech to illustrate the relationship between the Agong and the federal government.

Although Abdul Aziz conceded that a constitutional monarch might change the text prepared by the government if it does not involve major policies that may put him in an embarrassing situation, the former Universiti Islam Antarabangsa law professor pointed out that Abdul Rahman's ( right ) analogy was wrong.

"The relationship between a minister and his secretary is different from the one between the Agong and the government.

"The Umno-BN government has had the record of distorting the notion of the Agong as the symbol of authority even to the point of condemning those MPs who criticised the King's speech during the official opening of parliament.

"As in any Westminster system. such a speech is essentially the government's speech and policy even though it is read out by the monarch. As such the criticism is neither disrespectful nor seditious."

'Proper' for Anwar for question speech

Hence, he further stressed that it was only right and proper for Anwar ( left ) to question the Agong's speech.

Abdul Aziz reminded that BN has stated that it too would put up election petitions, a move that alluded the ruling coalition's refusal to recognise some of the election results.

He was of the view that Umno-BN should not use the Agong's birthday as an opportunity to put a political message across.

"I think the office of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as well as the Conference of Rulers need to distance themselves from the political stance taken by the government.

"Constitutional monarchy does not necessarily mean the King must follow everything the government has to say; the benchmark is the constitution and the values it contains.

"The speech prepared by the government for the Agong on this particular occasion does not fit within these ideals," he commented.

The rallies organised by Pakatan Rakyat to protest against the election results, Abdul Aziz said, encapsulate the right to freedom of speech and peaceful assembly allowed by the constitution and the police is under a duty to facilitate it in accordance with the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012.

"This piece of legislation must be read and implemented in such a way that it facilitates, and not the reverse, the rights provided for by the constitution."

After resigning as a law professor, Abdul Aziz contested in the 13th general election, under a PKR ticket, in Sabak Bernam parliamentary constituency but was defeated by an Umno candidate.

Source: http://my.news.yahoo.com/okay-agongs-speech-says-expert-040522523.html

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Nantikan Program 'LANSKAP' esok...

Saksikanlah program 'LANSKAP' secara langsung di RTM TV1 esok (jumaat) jam 9 malam. Penulis buku 'AIR MATA RAJA', Shaharudin Datuk Hj Ali telah dijemput sebagai salah seorang panel dalam sesi dialog bersama Sayed Munawar. Pelbagai isu tentang Institusi Beraja akan dikupas dalam dialog tersebut, yang pastinya menarik... jangan ketinggalan!

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Understand the role of Rulers

The Malaysian public generally still lacks proper understanding as to the role and powers of a Ruler in the administrative function of a country practising a Consti­tutional Monarchy system.

As a result, unsavoury comments have surfaced in blogs, online portals and websites which scorn and ridicule the institution of Rulers.

The country is on the verge of a general election which will be held in a matter of weeks. As the political temperature shoots up, leaders and those in the political circle are busy campaigning by raising issues related to the rakyat, Government and Rulers.

Many issues, whether current or old, are being intensely debated. Political statements, announcements, pledges and promises are being voiced out almost daily by politicians. This highly intense political contestation sometimes crosses the boundary of our civilised people, reaching to an extent whereby the ends justify the means.

This is primarily due to the attitude of certain groups who have the strong desire to achieve their aim of holding the reigns of power, and also due to the lack of knowledge on the basic principles of the law of the country.

Among the issues that are always highlighted each time elections are held are those relating to the dissolution of Parliament at the Federal level as well as the State Legislative Assemblies.

The question of when Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies would be dissolved and who will take the lead has often been discussed. In recent times, there have been questions raised on which party has the power under the law in dissolving a State Legislative Assembly or the Parliament.

Recently, the Selangor Mentri Besar had made a statement that he would consider announcing the date of the dissolution of the Selangor Legislative Assembly after Chap Goh Meh. It is interesting to note whether the Selangor Mentri Besar has consulted his party leaders and the legal adviser before making such a statement, which has drawn flak from various quarters.

In light of the statement, it is appropriate to discuss and analyse the provisions of law as stipulated in the Laws of the Constitution of Selangor, 1959, (Constitution of Selangor) and also to look at other States’ Constitution and of course the supreme law of the land being the Federal Constitution.

Article 52 (2)(b) of the Constitution of Selangor provides the Sultan of Selangor (His Royal Highness) with absolute discretion to consent or withhold consent to a request by the Mentri Besar to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly.

Article 52 (2)(b) of the Constitution of Selangor provides as follows:

(2) His Highness may act in His discretion in the performance of the following functions (in addition to those in the performance of which He may act in His discretion under the Federal Constitution) that is to say:

(a) the appointment of a Mentri Besar;

(b) the withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of the Legislative Assembly.

The above provisions, in particular (2)(b), clearly state that His Royal Highness has absolute discretion in deciding whether or not to give consent to a request by the Mentri Besar to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly. The literal meaning of the provision is that in exercising the discretionary power vested in him, His Royal Highness does not act on the advice of the Mentri Besar or the Executive Council.

It is of course not disputed that in the exercise of His executive functions under the Constitution of Selangor, His Royal Highness shall act in accordance with the advice of the Mentri Besar or the State Executive Council.

In exercising His functions on the advice of the Mentri Besar or the State Executive Council, His Royal Highness is entitled to receive any information concerning the Government of the State. This is provided for under Article 55(1) of the Constitution of Selangor.

Nevertheless, it is important to note that the Constitution of Selangor itself provides some functions which His Royal Highness exercises in his absolute discretion such as the dissolution of the State Legislative Assembly as mentioned earlier.

The above position of law is supported by the Federal Court decision in 2010 in the case of Datuk Seri Nizar Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin vs Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir (2010) 2 CLJ. The Federal Court had deliberated at length on the issue whether the dissolution of the State Legislative Assembly is within the absolute discretion of His Royal Highness.

This case was initiated at the High Court before it was brought at the appellate stage to the Court of Appeal and was finally deliberated in the Federal Court.

Looking at the extent of arguments raised by both parties and the presence of experienced lawyers from both parties, in addition to the panel of five experienced Federal Court judges presided over by the then President of the Court of Appeals who heard the matter, we can rest assured that the issues were well deliberated by all parties before the apex court reached its finding.

The Federal Court went on to state:

“In this regard we would, however add that the power to dissolve the LA is vested in HRH by art.

XXXVI(2) no matter in what circumstances it was made. This is clear from our reading of the said article which provides :

(2) His Royal Highness may prorogue or dissolve the Legislative Assembly.”

The decision in this case has no doubt put an end to any dispute, doubts or questions on who actually has the authority in deciding whether or not to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly.

Although the Mentri Besar can make a request to His Royal Highness for the dissolution of the Legislative Assembly before the expiry of the five-year term or in a situation where the Mentri Besar ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly, it is pertinent to note that the final decision is vested in His Royal Highness who has absolute discretion. In this regard, we are guided by the decision of the highest court on the land.

Until and unless the State Consti-tution is amended, the said decision stands and is applicable to the respective states which have similar provisions on the issue in question.

Hence, when the Sultan of Selangor recently stated that the dissolution of the State Legislative Assembly must follow rules and procedures, we can appreciate that what His Royal Highness meant is that the dissolution of the State Legislative Assembly must adhere to the provisions of the law.

In other words it must be presented before His Royal Highness to request for consent before any announcement is made.

The Sultan of Selangor has absolute discretion and prerogative to accede to the request of dissolving the State Legislative Assembly.

Generally, Federal and State elections are held simultaneously to save time and costs and in considering the request to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly, time and cost factors could well be taken into consideration by His Royal Highness.

At the Federal level, similar provisions can be found in the Federal Constitution.

Article 40 (2) of the Federal Constitution states that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may act in His discretion in withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of Parliament.

Article 40 (2) of the Federal Constitution states that:

(2) The Yang di-Pertuan Agong may act in his discretion in the performance of the following functions, that is to say:

a) The appointment of a Prime Minister;

b) The withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of Parliament; and

c) The requisition of a meeting of the Conference of Rulers concerned solely with the privileges, position, honours and dignities of Their Royal Highnesses, and any action at such a meeting,

And in any other case mentioned in this Constitution.

Looking at the Selangor Constitution and Perak’s Constitution and provisions in the Federal Constitution together with the ruling by the Federal Court in 2010, we must accept the fact that the States’ Constitution and Federal Constitution confer absolute power to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly and Parliament upon the Rulers of the State and the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

The role of the Rulers is very much relevant in our country which practises a system of Constitutional Monarchy, and will remain relevant for so long as the Federal Constitution remains the supreme law of the country.

The rakyat must be provided with a clear understanding of the basic principles of law with respect to the powers of the Rulers and the Executive.

Every Malaysian, including political leaders and those providing explanations to the rakyat while campaigning during this elections season, must be responsible to state the actual position of the law and to explain to the rakyat the decision of the Federal Court.

This is essential for the preservation of a peaceful elections and to prevent the rakyat from getting confused and in turn giving rise to feelings of unhappiness towards the institution of Rulers.

The writer would like to invite Malaysians to adhere firmly to our Constitution and to respect the decision of the Federal Court on the issue.

The writer believes that although in the upcoming general election, seats can be expected to be keenly contested, the polls can be held in a civilised and orderly manner if all of us are responsible enough to conform to the law and regulations.

Let us prove to the world that as Malaysians, we are united although we may have different political ideologies.

Source : thestar.com.my

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Fungsi Majlis Raja-Raja

Majlis Raja-Raja ditubuhkan secara formalnya hasil perancangan British pada tahun 1948 bagi menggantikan Mesyuarat Raja-Raja Negeri-Negeri Bersekutu yang dikenali sebagai Majlis Raja-Raja Melayu (Durbar). Kali pertama ia diadakan di Kuala Kangsar pada tahun 1897.

Majlis ini dianggotai oleh empat orang Raja dari Negeri Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan dan Pahang. Mesyuarat yang pertama diadakan pada 31 Ogos dan 1 September 1948. Mesyuarat ini buat pertama kali dihadiri oleh semua sembilan orang Raja-Raja Melayu.

Fungsi
Majlis Raja-Raja bukan sahaja agung tetapi unik kerana Majlis ini adalah institusi tunggal yang sedemikian rupa wujud di dunia pada masa kini. Apabila negara mencapai kemerdekaan, penubuhan Majlis Raja-Raja telah dikanunkan mengikut Perkara 38 Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Fungsi dan tugas-tugasnya mengikut Jadual Kelima Perlembagaan adalah seperti berikut:
* Memilih Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong bagi Persekutuan mengikut peruntukan-peruntukan Jadual Ketiga;
* Mempersetujui atau tidak mempersetujui supaya apa-apa perbuatan, amalan atau upacara agama meliputi seluruh Persekutuan;
* Mempersetujui atau tidak mempersetujui apa- apa undang-undang dan membuat atau memberi nasihat mengenai apa-apa pelantikan yang, menurut Perlembagaan ini, memerlukan persetujuan Majlis Raja-Raja atau yang dikehendaki dibuat oleh atau selepas berunding dengan Majlis Raja-Raja;
* Melantik anggota-anggota Mahkamah Khas di bawah Fasal (1) Perkara 182;
* Memberi ampun, reprief dan respit, atau meremitkan, atau meringankan hukuman-hukuman, di bawah Fasal (12) Perkara 42,
* Dan boleh menimbangkan soal-soal mengenai dasar negara (misalnya perubahan-perubahan tentang dasar imigresen) dan apa-apa jua perkara lain yang difikirkannya patut. BACA SELANJUTNYA

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Hormati Peringatan Raja-raja Melayu

KUALA LUMPUR 1 Nov. - Beberapa pemimpin Barisan Nasional (BN) menggesa semua parti politik menghormati titah raja-raja Melayu yang bimbang mengenai trend politik semasa dan isu perkauman.

Naib Presiden UMNO, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein berkata, apa yang disuarakan raja-raja Melayu itu amat relevan dengan keadaan semasa dan menunjukkan betapa keadaan sekarang memerlukan perhatian yang mendalam oleh semua pemimpin politik.

"Memang akan ada pihak tertentu yang mahu mengambil kesempatan terhadap keadaan yang berlaku itu sehingga menghancurkan segala yang telah dikecapi demi kuasa dan kepentingan politik. Tetapi kita harus ingat apa yang dititahkan raja-raja Melayu itu seharusnya dijadikan sempadan kepada kita semua," katanya ketika dihubungi Utusan Malaysia di sini hari ini. BACA SELANJUTNYA

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FOTO DURBAR KE 5 DAN KE 6

(C) EHSAN DAN HAKCIPTA PENYIMPAN MOHOR BESAR RAJA RAJA MELAYU

DURBAR KE 5 DAN DURBAR KE 6

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FOTO DURBAR PERTAMA DAN KEDUA DAN KEZAMAN KINI

(C) EHSAN DAN HAKCIPTA PENYIMPAN MOHOR BESAR RAJA RAJA MELAYU

DURBAR PERTAMA dan DURBAR KEDUA

DURBAR TERAKHIR DAN MESYUARAT MAJLIS RAJA2 PERTAMA (DIBAWAH)

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